Social Work Policy Practice

Category: Social Policy

  • Disarticulating the West: Reclaiming African Sovereignty in a Global Extractive Order

    Disarticulating the West: Reclaiming African Sovereignty in a Global Extractive Order

    Disarticulating multinational corporations and Western states from the African continent is not a symbolic gesture; it is a structural imperative for any society seeking to escape a global order built on extraction, coercion, and racialized underdevelopment. Samir Amin’s political‑economic analysis, interpreted by Ndlovu‑Gatsheni (2021), demonstrates that Africa’s incorporation into global capitalism was engineered to secure raw materials, cheap labor, and geopolitical advantage for Western powers. The dominance of multinational corporations is therefore not an accidental feature of globalization. It is the contemporary machinery of a system designed during colonialism, refined through Cold War geopolitics, and maintained today through trade regimes, debt instruments, and diplomatic pressure. Disarticulation requires confronting this architecture directly rather than accepting it as the natural order of the world.

    The colonial economy was never intended to cultivate self‑sustaining African nations. It was built to move minerals, cash crops, and human labor outward to imperial centers. Railways, ports, taxation systems, and administrative structures were designed to serve extraction, not development. Political independence did not dismantle this logic; it merely changed the flag flying over the administrative buildings. Post‑independence African states inherited economies that were deeply outward‑facing and internally fragmented. Amin’s analysis, discussed by scholars of African political economy, describes these as disarticulated economies—systems where key sectors such as mining or oil are tightly integrated with global markets but disconnected from domestic industrialization, technological development, or social welfare. Rodney’s historical work reinforces this point by showing how colonialism systematically underdeveloped Africa to ensure European prosperity (Rodney, 1972). The result is predictable: the wealth leaves; the damage stays.

    Multinational corporations deepen this structural dependency by controlling the most profitable stages of production. Even when extraction occurs on African soil, the refining, manufacturing, and technological innovation that generate real wealth take place elsewhere. The cobalt mined in the Democratic Republic of Congo becomes exponentially more valuable once it is refined and embedded in global supply chains, yet those value‑added stages are monopolized by foreign firms. African states are left exporting raw materials at low prices and importing finished goods at high ones. Gumede (2023) emphasizes that this pattern is not a market failure but the predictable outcome of Africa’s externally imposed economic orientation. Fanon’s analysis of post‑colonial elites further illuminates how local intermediaries often protect these extractive arrangements because their own power is tied to Western capital (Fanon, 1963). The system is functioning exactly as designed.

    Western governments and international financial institutions reinforce this arrangement with remarkable consistency. Structural adjustment programs in the 1980s and 1990s forced African states to privatize public enterprises, slash social spending, and open strategic sectors to foreign investors. These policies were marketed as modernization but functioned as mechanisms of discipline, weakening state capacity and expanding the reach of multinational corporations. Ndlovu‑Gatsheni (2021) identifies this as a continuation of imperial and capitalist internationalism, where global governance structures reproduce the hierarchies established under colonial rule. One way disarticulation is already unfolding is through African nations beginning to remove themselves from Western‑dominated international banking systems, signaling a shift toward financial sovereignty and a refusal to remain tethered to institutions historically aligned with Western geopolitical interests. This movement represents an early but significant step toward delinking from the mechanisms through which global capital constrains African autonomy, echoing the strategic orientation Amin envisioned and Ndlovu‑Gatsheni articulates.

    Amin’s concept of delinking provides the intellectual and political framework for this transformation. Delinking is not isolationism; it is the assertion that domestic priorities must supersede the demands of global capital. For African states, this means reclaiming control over natural resources, building domestic value chains, and using the state as a developmental engine even when such choices defy neoliberal orthodoxy. Mkandawire’s work on developmental states underscores that African governments can, and historically have, built strong state‑led industrial strategies when not constrained by external pressures (Mkandawire, 2001). Gumede (2023) argues that Africa’s limited structural transformation is the direct result of its externally imposed economic orientation, and that meaningful development requires rethinking the terms of integration altogether. Delinking is therefore a project of re‑articulation: linking sectors of the economy to each other in ways that serve social needs rather than linking them outward in ways that drain value.

    The political obstacles are formidable. Domestic elites often serve as intermediaries between multinational corporations and the broader population, benefiting from contracts, rents, and political support in exchange for maintaining a favorable investment climate. Fanon (1963) warned that this comprador class would become a barrier to liberation, and contemporary political economy confirms his prediction. Externally, Western states have historically responded to African economic sovereignty with sanctions, destabilization, or support for regime change. Nkrumah’s analysis of neo‑colonialism remains relevant here, as he argued that Western powers would use every available tool to maintain economic control even after formal independence (Nkrumah, 1965). Ndlovu‑Gatsheni (2021) situates these responses within a long genealogy of racial capitalism, where attempts at structural transformation in the Global South are met with punitive force. Disarticulation therefore requires not only economic strategy but political courage and regional solidarity.

    Regionalism is essential because no single African state can confront multinational corporations and Western pressure alone. A coordinated bloc can harmonize tax policies, regulate resource extraction, and negotiate collectively with foreign firms. This reduces the ability of corporations to play African countries against one another and strengthens the continent’s bargaining power. Mbembe’s work on planetary entanglement suggests that Africa’s future depends on its ability to assert agency within global systems rather than remain a passive site of extraction (Mbembe, 2017). In this sense, disarticulation is not a retreat from the world but a strategic reconfiguration of how Africa engages with it.

    Ultimately, the project is not merely economic; it is civilizational. Dependency theory insists that the current model produces growth without liberation. GDP can rise while inequality deepens and ecological destruction accelerates. Ndlovu‑Gatsheni (2021) argues that true transformation requires rejecting the colonial logic that equates development with extraction and instead building life‑affirming economies rooted in sovereignty, dignity, and collective well‑being. Disarticulating multinational corporations and Western states from Africa is therefore inseparable from articulating a new horizon of freedom—one in which African societies define prosperity on their own terms and build institutions that reflect those definitions.

    References

    Amin, S. (1976). Unequal development: An essay on the social formations of peripheral capitalism. Monthly Review Press.

    Fanon, F. (1963). The wretched of the earth. Grove Press.

    Gumede, V. (2023). Africa in the post‑COVID‑19 world: Towards a new developmental paradigm. Africa Institute of South Africa Press.

    Mbembe, A. (2017). Critique of black reason. Duke University Press.

    Mkandawire, T. (2001). Thinking about developmental states in Africa. Cambridge Journal of Economics, 25(3), 289–314.

    Ndlovu‑Gatsheni, S. J. (2021). Decolonization, development and knowledge in Africa: Turning over a new leaf. Routledge.

    Nkrumah, K. (1965). Neo‑colonialism: The last stage of imperialism. Thomas Nelson & Sons.

    Rodney, W. (1972). How Europe underdeveloped Africa. Bogle‑L’Ouverture Publications.

  • Racism as a Mental Illness: A Comparative Evidence-Based Narrative

    Racism as a Mental Illness: A Comparative Evidence-Based Narrative

    Given the current behavior of the President, I wanted to provide an analysis of racism as a mental illness. This moment underscores how deeply entrenched racial prejudice can shape both individual conduct and collective discourse. Racism is often described as a social problem, but reframing it as a mental illness offers a provocative lens for understanding its persistence and destructive impact. Mental illness is typically characterized by maladaptive thought patterns, emotional dysregulation, and behaviors that impair functioning. Racism, in many ways, mirrors these characteristics. It involves distorted cognition in the form of prejudice, maladaptive behaviors expressed through discrimination, and harmful psychosocial outcomes such as trauma and inequity. By examining racism through the comparative framework of mental illness, we can better appreciate its pathological nature and the urgent need for systemic intervention.

    To begin, racism relies on irrational beliefs about racial superiority and inferiority. These beliefs are not grounded in evidence but rather in distorted cognition, much like the delusions or paranoia seen in certain mental illnesses. Genetic science has repeatedly demonstrated that race has no biological basis: human DNA is approximately 99.6–99.9% identical across individuals, and the small variations that do exist occur gradually across populations without discrete racial boundaries (Biology Insights, 2025). The Human Genome Project confirmed that there are no genetic markers that define race, dismantling centuries of pseudoscientific claims that sought to justify racial hierarchies (Cambridge Core, 2025). Medical leaders have acted on this evidence by removing race modifiers from clinical testing, noting that organs such as the kidney show no biological differences across racial categories (Johns Hopkins Medicine, 2025).

    At the same time, it is important to acknowledge that some racial differences are primarily environmental rather than genetic. Structural inequities such as poverty, segregation, and systemic discrimination create conditions that lead to transgenerational trauma. This trauma is not only psychological—manifesting as anxiety, depression, and stress responses—but also physiological, affecting cardiovascular health, immune function, and even epigenetic markers passed across generations. In this way, racism produces real, measurable differences in health outcomes, not because of DNA, but because of the chronic stress and environmental deprivation imposed on marginalized communities. These environmental impacts reinforce the argument that racism functions as a pathological condition: it distorts cognition, drives maladaptive behaviors, and leaves lasting scars on both mind and body.

    Yet despite this overwhelming DNA evidence and recognition of environmental trauma, racist ideologies persist and are actively weaponized in contemporary policy debates. Immigration policy provides a stark example. Current enforcement practices—mass detentions, family separations, intimidation near churches, and medical neglect in detention centers—are justified through racialized assumptions that certain populations are inherently suspect or dangerous. Presidential rhetoric declaring a “permanent pause” on arrivals and portraying migrants as threats exemplifies how distorted cognition translates into maladaptive governance. These policies echo the same pseudoscientific claims of biological difference long discredited by genetic research, underscoring racism’s delusional quality. In advocacy terms, immigration restrictions are not neutral—they are manifestations of a collective pathology that clings to disproven ideas, resists rational correction, and spreads trauma across generations (Williams & Williams-Morris, 2000).

    Policing practices provide another case study. Racial profiling, stop-and-frisk tactics, and disproportionate use of force against communities of color are rooted in the irrational belief that Black and Brown individuals are inherently criminal. This distorted cognition mirrors paranoia in mental illness, where individuals perceive threats that do not exist. The maladaptive behavior of over-policing produces widespread trauma, destabilizes communities, and perpetuates cycles of fear. Despite decades of evidence showing no biological or genetic predisposition to crime, these practices persist, demonstrating how racism functions as a delusional system embedded in law enforcement structures.

    Health care inequities further illustrate racism-as-pathology. For years, medical research and practice relied on race-based modifiers, such as in kidney function tests, despite clear evidence that race has no biological marker. These practices led to misdiagnoses, delayed treatment, and systemic neglect of patients of color. Even today, disparities in maternal mortality, access to care, and treatment outcomes reflect the persistence of distorted cognition within health systems. The irrational belief that race determines biology continues to shape medical decision-making, producing maladaptive outcomes that harm patients and communities.

    The psychological harm caused by racism across these domains strengthens the comparison to mental illness. Research demonstrates that racism induces stress responses, anxiety, depression, and trauma in both victims and perpetrators. These outcomes align closely with diagnostic criteria for mental health disorders, underscoring racism’s role as a pathological condition (American Psychological Association, 2024). Thus, racism is not only irrational in thought and destructive in behavior but also profoundly damaging in its psychological consequences.

    When we compare racism and mental illness across multiple dimensions, the parallels become even clearer. Mental illness involves distorted thoughts, maladaptive actions, and consequences that ripple outward to families and communities. Racism operates in the same way: irrational beliefs about race lead to discriminatory behaviors, which in turn traumatize marginalized groups and destabilize social systems. Both racism and mental illness contribute to public health crises, increasing morbidity and reducing quality of life. Both also demand systemic and individualized interventions—whether through therapy and medication in the case of mental illness, or through anti-racist education, policy reform, and trauma-informed care in the case of racism.

    Yet racism differs in one critical respect: it is socially reinforced. Unlike most mental illnesses, which are treated as individual conditions, racism is embedded in institutions and normalized through cultural narratives. This makes racism unique as a form of collective psychopathology. It is both an individual pathology and a structural illness, perpetuated across generations. Scholars have shown that racism functions as a chronic stressor, producing measurable physiological and psychological harm that extends beyond individuals to entire communities (Williams & Williams-Morris, 2000; APA, 2024). In this sense, racism is not only a mental illness but also a systemic contagion.

    Recognizing racism as a mental illness carries profound implications for policy and practice. Framing racism as a public health crisis highlights its role in perpetuating disparities and chronic stress. Trauma-informed interventions become essential for victims, while perpetrators may benefit from cognitive-behavioral approaches to dismantle distorted beliefs. At the same time, systemic reform is necessary. Just as mental illness requires supportive infrastructure, racism demands structural interventions—policy reform, equity initiatives, and cultural transformation.

    In conclusion, defining racism as a mental illness reframes it from a moral failing to a pathological condition requiring urgent intervention. Comparative evidence demonstrates striking parallels between racism and mental illness in cognition, behavior, and public health impact. This framing not only underscores the irrationality of racist ideologies but also strengthens the case for systemic, trauma-informed responses. By treating racism as both an individual and collective pathology, we can move toward more effective strategies for dismantling its destructive influence.

    References

  • Racism isn’t partisan: It’s a hierarchy of whiteness

    Racism isn’t partisan: It’s a hierarchy of whiteness

    Racism is not a partisan “weapon” but a structural hierarchy rooted in white supremacy, designed to privilege whiteness through laws, institutions, and norms. Professional bodies define racism as a system of advantage sustained by policies and practices that disproportionately benefit white populations while disadvantaging Black, Indigenous, and other people of color (American Psychological Association, 2021). This framing predates modern party politics: the United States was built on enslavement, settler colonialism, and legalized segregation that organized society around racial hierarchy. The question, then, is whether contemporary policy choices dismantle or reinforce that hierarchy—not whether one party “uses” racism (American Psychological Association, 2021; Feagin, 2014).

    To understand how deeply embedded this hierarchy is, we must look at its legal foundations. White supremacy establishes whites as a ruling class by normalizing white culture as the default and embedding racial hierarchy in law, property, and opportunity. Long before the 1790 Naturalization Act, colonial legislatures had already codified racial distinctions into law. A. Leon Higginbotham’s In the Matter of Color (1978) documents how 17th‑ and 18th‑century statutes in colonies such as Virginia and Maryland defined slavery as a hereditary condition tied to African descent, restricted interracial marriage, and imposed penalties on free Black people that did not apply to whites. These colonial codes institutionalized racial hierarchy at the local level, laying the foundation for systemic white supremacy that federal law later nationalized. From these early statutes through Jim Crow, racial status determined who could own land, vote, and accumulate wealth, structuring generations of advantage and disadvantage (Higginbotham, 1978; Feagin, 2014). Civil rights gains of the mid‑20th century were corrective measures designed to constrain that hierarchy; weakening them reopens pathways to stratification that place people of color into servant roles while preserving white dominance (Feagin, 2014; American Psychological Association, 2021).

    This history also exposes why claims of “colorblind” fairness are misleading. Assertions that success depends only on “meeting the standard” ignore evidence that standards themselves are filtered through bias. A landmark field experiment found resumes with Black‑identifying names received fewer callbacks than identical resumes with white‑identifying names—demonstrating that merit signals are not assessed neutrally (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004). The study also showed that increased qualifications did less to improve outcomes for Black‑identified applicants, revealing a penalty attached to racialized identity rather than competence. In other words, colorblindness can legitimize biased gatekeeping, while DEI and civil rights enforcement make merit legible by clarifying criteria, expanding access, and checking discriminatory filters (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004; Bonilla‑Silva, 2014).

    The consequences of ignoring these systemic filters are visible in current policy debates. Efforts to abolish diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI), narrow disparate‑impact enforcement, or rescind equity directives weaken the mechanisms that counteract racial hierarchy. Analysts warn that such rollbacks move the nation back toward pre‑civil rights norms by eroding protections, oversight, and accountability—conditions under which racial hierarchy organizes labor and status, effectively positioning people of color as a servant class while maintaining whites as a ruling class (Berry, 2025; Center for American Progress, 2024). Empirical evidence also shows that affirmative action and compliance tools expanded opportunity for women—especially white women—demonstrating these policies do not privilege one race but broaden fair access across groups (Leonard, 1990; Kurtulus, 2013). Removing them narrows pathways and entrenches hierarchy.

    Recognizing this pattern clarifies what genuine fairness requires. It is not enough to claim neutrality; fairness demands clear standards and active safeguards that ensure those standards are applied without bias. That includes transparent criteria, validated selection tools, accountability for disparate outcomes, and proactive inclusion strategies that counter systemic filters rather than pretending they do not exist (American Psychological Association, 2021). This is not partisan—it is the minimum required to dismantle a hierarchy that otherwise reproduces advantage. Without such safeguards, “neutral” policies re‑create racialized stratification, and the rhetoric of colorblindness becomes a cover for returning to a servant/ruling class order (Bonilla‑Silva, 2014; Berry, 2025).

    Taken together, the evidence shows that racism is a manifestation of white supremacy—a structural hierarchy of whiteness—not a tactic of Democrats or Republicans. Recent rollbacks that weaken civil rights and DEI tools reinforce that hierarchy, risking a return to pre‑civil rights conditions that organize society into ruling and servant classes by race (American Psychological Association, 2021; Berry, 2025; Center for American Progress, 2024).

    References
    American Psychological Association. (2021). APA resolution on racism. https://www.apa.org/about/policy/resolution-racism
    Bertrand, M., & Mullainathan, S. (2004). Are Emily and Greg more employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A field experiment on labor market discrimination. American Economic Review, 94(4), 991–1013. https://doi.org/10.1257/0002828042002561
    Berry, M. (2025, January 15). Civil rights at risk: The rollback of DEI initiatives. The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights.
    Bonilla‑Silva, E. (2014). Racism without racists: Color‑blind racism and the persistence of racial inequality in America (4th ed.). Rowman & Littlefield.
    Center for American Progress. (2024, December 10). The attack on diversity, equity, and inclusion programs. https://www.americanprogress.org
    Feagin, J. R. (2014). Racist America: Roots, current realities, and future reparations (3rd ed.). Routledge.
    Higginbotham, A. L. (1978). In the matter of color: Race and the American legal process, the colonial period. Oxford University Press.
    Kurtulus, F. A. (2013). Affirmative action and the utilization of minorities and women: A longitudinal analysis 1973–2003. Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 32(3), 462–488. https://doi.org/10.1002/pam.21698
    Leonard, J. S. (1990). The impact of affirmative action on employment. Journal of Labor Economics, 8(2), S263–S276. https://doi.org/10.1086/298225

  • Corporate Exploitation, Environmental Destruction, Neocolonialism, and the Destabilization of African Economies

    Corporate Exploitation, Environmental Destruction, Neocolonialism, and the Destabilization of African Economies

    Africa’s mineral wealth—cobalt, gold, platinum, silver, and uranium—powers the global economy, yet the extraction of these resources reveals a consistent pattern of exploitation. Corporate practices not only exploit labor and destroy the environment but also perpetuate neocolonial structures that destabilize African economies and deepen poverty. By examining these minerals together, we see how multinational corporations capture value externally while leaving African communities with harm and instability.

    Cobalt

    The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) supplies about three‑quarters of the world’s cobalt, indispensable for lithium‑ion batteries in smartphones, laptops, and electric vehicles (Portside, 2023). Artisanal miners, including children, dig by hand in toxic dust and unstable pits, often without protective equipment. These conditions produce injuries, deaths, and long‑term health crises (Newsweek, 2023; Kara, 2023). Environmental contamination of rivers and farmland undermines agriculture and food security (World Bank, 2022). Corporate structures reinforce poverty by repatriating profits abroad, leaving the DRC with limited fiscal space to invest in housing, health, and infrastructure (Stiglitz, 2002). This cycle destabilizes the economy, locking communities into dependency on unsafe artisanal labor.

    Gold

    Gold mining in Ghana, South Africa, and Tanzania similarly destabilizes local economies. Artisanal miners exposed to mercury and cyanide face severe health risks, while industrial operations displace communities and degrade ecosystems (Hilson, 2002). Corporate tax avoidance and opaque concession agreements reduce government revenues, constraining investment in public goods. Instead of generating broad prosperity, gold wealth often enriches elites and foreign corporations, leaving surrounding communities impoverished (World Bank, 2022).

    Platinum

    South Africa holds over 70% of the world’s platinum reserves (Johnson Matthey, 2023). Yet platinum mining has been marked by violent suppression of worker protests, most notably the Marikana massacre in 2012, where striking miners demanding fair wages were killed by police (Alexander, 2013). This event illustrates how corporate collusion with political elites perpetuates inequality and instability. Communities near mines face unemployment, poor housing, and environmental degradation, while profits flow abroad. The result is a destabilized labor market and entrenched poverty in mining regions.

    Silver

    Silver mining in Morocco and South Africa involves toxic chemicals and unsafe labor conditions. Corporate practices prioritize export markets for electronics and jewelry while leaving behind contaminated land and water. Weak regulatory oversight allows companies to externalize environmental costs, perpetuating cycles of poverty and ecological harm (Stiglitz, 2002). Communities dependent on agriculture or fishing are destabilized when their land and water are poisoned, forcing reliance on precarious mining jobs.

    Uranium

    Uranium mining in Niger and Namibia highlights the geopolitical dimensions of neocolonialism. French corporations such as Orano (formerly Areva) dominate Niger’s uranium sector, supplying Europe’s nuclear power while Niger remains one of the poorest countries globally (Taylor, 2014). Communities face displacement and radiation exposure, while profits are exported. This dependency destabilizes Niger’s economy, leaving it vulnerable to commodity price fluctuations and external political pressures. Uranium mining thus perpetuates poverty by denying African states the ability to industrialize their own resources (Nkrumah, 1965).

    Conclusion

    Across cobalt, gold, platinum, silver, and uranium, the evidence shows that corporate exploitation destabilizes African economies and entrenches poverty. Unsafe labor conditions, environmental destruction, and opaque corporate structures reduce government revenues, displace communities, and undermine livelihoods. These practices replicate colonial patterns: Africa provides raw materials, while external powers capture value. The destabilization is not cultural but structural, rooted in neocolonial corporate practices that perpetuate dependency. A just future requires contract transparency, stronger regulation, and equitable trade frameworks that allow Africa to industrialize its resources and capture value domestically.

    References

    Alexander, P. (2013). Marikana: A view from the mountain and a case to answer. Jacana Media.

    Hilson, G. (2002). The environmental impact of small‑scale gold mining in Ghana: Identifying problems and possible solutions. The Geographical Journal, 168(1), 57–72.

    Johnson Matthey. (2023). Platinum 2023 interim review. Johnson Matthey PLC.

    Kara, S. (2023). Cobalt red: How the blood of the Congo powers our lives. St. Martin’s Press.

    Newsweek. (2023, January 25). Shocking truths behind smartphone and EV batteries: Children mining cobalt. https://www.newsweek.com/shocking-truths-behind-smartphone-ev-batteries-children-mining-cobalt-1775172

    Nkrumah, K. (1965). Neo‑colonialism: The last stage of imperialism. International Publishers.

    Portside. (2023, July 16). “Cobalt Red”: Smartphones & electric cars rely on toxic mineral mined in Congo by children. https://portside.org/2023-07-16/cobalt-red-smartphones-electric-cars-rely-toxic-mineral-mined-congo-children

    Stiglitz, J. E. (2002). Globalization and its discontents. W. W. Norton & Company.

    Taylor, I. (2014). Dependency, partnerships and the role of French uranium in Niger. Review of African Political Economy, 41(140), 466–481.

    World Bank. (2022). Africa’s development dynamics 2022: Growth, jobs, and inequality. World Bank.

  • The Erasure of Middle-Range Voices in Public School Music Education: A Personal and Scholarly Critique

    The Erasure of Middle-Range Voices in Public School Music Education: A Personal and Scholarly Critique

    Introduction

    Public school music education often privileges soprano and alto classifications while neglecting the full spectrum of female vocal development. This binary framework—high (soprano) and low (alto)—leaves middle-range voices, particularly mezzo-sopranos, misclassified, unsupported, and vulnerable to vocal damage. The lack of pedagogical training in vocal anatomy and classification among music educators contributes to this erasure, especially in under-resourced schools where choir directors rely on simplistic range assessments rather than evidence-based vocal pedagogy. This essay critiques the systemic favoring of soprano and alto roles, integrates a personal account of harm, and calls for trauma-informed reform in vocal education.

    Personal Account: Misclassification and Vocal Harm

    As a mezzo-soprano, I was repeatedly forced into alto roles throughout my public school music education. Teachers, unfamiliar with the middle register and operating within a binary framework, assigned me parts that sat well below my natural tessitura. Over time, this misclassification led to vocal strain, chronic fatigue, and ultimately, the loss of my singing voice. The emotional toll was profound: singing had been a source of joy, identity, and creative expression. Being silenced—both literally and figuratively—by educators who failed to recognize my voice type felt like a betrayal of my artistic potential and a dismissal of my humanity.

    This experience is not isolated. Ware (1998) emphasized that vocal classification must consider tessitura—the range where the voice is most comfortable—not just pitch extremes. When educators lack training in vocal pedagogy, they often assign parts based on perceived range peaks, forcing mezzo-sopranos into soprano roles that strain their voices or alto roles that suppress their resonance (Doscher, 1994). Dillon (n.d.) noted that choral directors frequently assign soprano and alto parts without assessing vocal comfort or maturity, especially in young singers.

    Binary Vocal Frameworks Harm Middle-Range Singers

    Many public school music teachers operate with a reductive binary: high (soprano) and low (alto), ignoring the nuanced middle register where mezzo-sopranos reside. This framework not only misclassifies voices but also erases the emotional and physiological needs of middle-range singers. Misclassification often results in vocal strain and emotional distress, especially when young singers are forced into roles that do not honor their natural voice (Ware, 1998; Doscher, 1994).

    Soprano and Alto Favoritism Reflects Institutional Bias

    Soprano voices are often favored in school choirs due to their melodic prominence and perceived “brightness,” while alto roles are treated as harmonic fillers. This favoritism marginalizes mezzo-sopranos, whose voices may not soar in the upper register but carry emotional depth and technical richness in the middle range (Dillon, n.d.).

    Lack of Vocal Pedagogy Training Perpetuates Harm

    Unlike other licensed professions, music educators are not required to demonstrate proficiency in vocal anatomy or classification. Bigler and Osborne (2021) argued that vocal pedagogy remains underdeveloped in teacher preparation programs, leading to widespread misclassification and harm. Clark (2024) advocated for trauma-informed, inclusive pedagogy that recognizes the full spectrum of vocal development, including mezzo-sopranos and contraltos.

    Conclusion

    The systemic misclassification of female voices in public school music education—particularly the erasure of mezzo-sopranos through forced assignment to soprano or alto roles—reflects a deeper institutional failure to honor vocal diversity, emotional integrity, and artistic stewardship. My own experience of being forced into alto roles despite my mezzo-soprano range resulted not only in vocal damage but in a profound emotional loss. Singing was not merely a skill—it was a form of self-expression, identity, and joy. The harm inflicted by untrained educators who operated within a binary framework of “high” and “low” voices silenced that joy and dismissed the complexity of my voice.

    This is not an isolated issue. As Ware (1998) and Doscher (1994) emphasized, proper vocal classification must consider tessitura and comfort—not just pitch range. Dillon (n.d.) further illustrated how institutional bias toward soprano and alto roles marginalizes middle-range singers, while Bigler and Osborne (2021) and Clark (2024) called for trauma-informed, inclusive pedagogy rooted in vocal science and equity. Without reform, public school music programs will continue to perpetuate harm, especially in under-resourced communities where artistic development is already fragile.

    To restore integrity in vocal education, schools must invest in evidence-based training for music educators, adopt inclusive classification frameworks, and center student voice—not just in sound, but in agency. My story is a testament to what happens when that agency is denied. It is also a call to action: to protect, honor, and amplify every voice, especially those that have been misheard, miscast, or silenced.

    References

    Bigler, A. R., & Osborne, K. (2021). Voice pedagogy for the 21st century: The summation of two summits. Journal of Singing, 78(1), 11–28. https://doi.org/10.53830/CXBG6722

    Clark, T. J. (2024). Harmonizing voices: Vocal pedagogy in 21st century music education [Doctoral dissertation, Liberty University]. Liberty University Digital Commons. https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/doctoral/6320

    Dillon, A. H. (n.d.). Female voice classification and the choral director. Memorial University of Newfoundland. https://journals.library.mun.ca/index.php/singing/article/download/898/776/0

    Doscher, B. M. (1994). The functional unity of the singing voice. Scarecrow Press.

    Ware, C. (1998). Basics of vocal pedagogy: The foundations and process of singing. McGraw-Hill.

  • Redacted No More: Restoring Black Legacy in Policy, History, and Public Memory

    Redacted No More: Restoring Black Legacy in Policy, History, and Public Memory

    Nat Love, the real “Deadwood Dick,” and Bass Reeves, a legendary U.S. Marshal, were two of the most iconic Black figures of the American West. Yet their legacies were systematically overwritten by white fictional portrayals in literature and film, contributing to the erasure of Black presence in frontier narratives. This essay is part of Redacted No More: Restoring Black Legacy in Policy, History, and Public Memory—a principled effort to reclaim the historical truths buried beneath myth, media, and institutional silence.

    Nat Love (1854–1921), born into slavery in Tennessee, became one of the most skilled cowboys of the post–Civil War West. He earned the nickname “Deadwood Dick” after winning roping and shooting contests in Deadwood, South Dakota, on July 4, 1876 (Love, 1907; Legends of America, 2025). His autobiography, The Life and Adventures of Nat Love, documents his travels, rodeo victories, and encounters with figures like Billy the Kid and Bat Masterson. Love’s narrative challenges the myth that the American West was exclusively white (Annenberg Learner, 2025).

    As children in the 1960s, many recall seeing old movies about Deadwood Dick, always portrayed as white. These films perpetuated the myth of an all-white West, despite the fact that an estimated one in four cowboys were Black (Annenberg Learner, 2025). This cinematic pattern wasn’t accidental—it reflected a broader cultural redaction that erased Black contributions and replaced real figures like Nat Love with fictionalized white heroes.

    The name “Deadwood Dick” was co-opted by dime novelist Edward Lytton Wheeler, who created a fictional white cowboy hero in the 1870s. Wheeler’s character became the basis for pulp fiction and early cinema, including Deadwood Dick (1940), starring Donald Barry, and The Adventures of Deadwood Dick (1940 serial), both of which portrayed the character as white and disconnected from Love’s real-life story (Legends of America, 2025). These portrayals reinforced racial exclusion and mythologized the West as a white frontier.

    Bass Reeves (1838–1910), another towering figure, was born into slavery and later became one of the first Black deputy U.S. marshals west of the Mississippi. Over a 32-year career, he arrested more than 3,000 felons and was known for his expert marksmanship, use of disguises, and deep knowledge of Native languages and terrain (Morgan, 2025). Several of Reeves’ real-life exploits were co-opted into the fictional Lone Ranger franchise, which debuted in 1933 with a white protagonist and no acknowledgment of Reeves’ influence (Burton & Boardman, 2021).

    Among the scenarios lifted from Reeves’ life were his use of disguises to capture fugitives—once posing as a beggar with a sack of potatoes hiding his weapons—and his practice of handing out silver dollars to those he helped, a gesture mirrored in the Lone Ranger’s silver bullets (Burton & Boardman, 2021). Reeves also rode with Native American possemen, including Grant Johnson, a Black and Indigenous lawman, paralleling the Lone Ranger’s partnership with Tonto.

    Despite these parallels, Reeves was never credited, and the Lone Ranger was portrayed by white actors in radio, comics, and film. Like Nat Love, Bass Reeves was redacted from popular memory, replaced by sanitized white characters that distorted the racial realities of the frontier.

    This pattern of cinematic and literary erasure is not merely symbolic—it shapes public memory, policy narratives, and cultural legitimacy. When Black figures are replaced or omitted, their contributions to law, land, and legacy are denied. Restoring the legacies of Nat Love and Bass Reeves is not just a matter of historical correction—it is a demand for cultural accountability. Their stories are not folklore; they are fact, and they deserve to be taught, cited, and portrayed with integrity.

    References
    Annenberg Learner. (2025). Nat Love (1854–1921). https://www.learner.org/series/american-passages-a-literary-survey/masculine-heroes/nat-love-1854-1921/
    Burton, A., & Boardman, M. (2021). Once and for all, is the Lone Ranger based on Bass Reeves? True West Magazine. https://truewestmagazine.com/article/once-and-for-all-is-the-lone-ranger-based-on-bass-reeves/
    Legends of America. (2025). Nat Love, aka: Deadwood Dick. https://www.legendsofamerica.com/we-natlove/
    Love, N. (1907). The life and adventures of Nat Love, better known in the cattle country as “Deadwood Dick,” by himself.
    Morgan, T. (2025). Was the real Lone Ranger a Black man? History.com. https://www.history.com/articles/bass-reeves-real-lone-ranger-a-black-man

  • A Tale of Two Cities: Hunger in America and the White House Ballroom That Took Its Place

    A Tale of Two Cities: Hunger in America and the White House Ballroom That Took Its Place

    As millions of Americans brace for the loss of critical nutrition assistance, the Trump administration has bulldozed the East Wing of the White House to make way for a $300 million ballroom—an act defended by Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt as “the priority.” This juxtaposition of opulence and austerity demands scrutiny, not just of fiscal choices but of moral clarity. The East Wing, historically home to the First Lady’s staff, the White House calligraphers, and the public entrance to the “People’s House,” was demolished in late October 2025. Satellite imagery confirmed the complete teardown, despite earlier assurances from President Trump that the ballroom project would “not interfere” with the existing structure (Snopes, 2025; PBS NewsHour, 2025). Leavitt defended the demolition as necessary for “a truly strong and stable structure,” citing architectural counsel. She added that the new ballroom would be “modern and beautiful for many, many years to come” (ABC News, 2025). Critics, including preservationists and lawmakers, condemned the lack of public input and oversight, especially during a government shutdown that has paralyzed federal agencies responsible for historic review (Politico, 2025).

    While construction crews razed the East Wing, the U.S. Department of Agriculture confirmed that SNAP benefits will not be paid starting November 1, 2025, affecting over 40 million Americans (The Hill, 2025). The USDA has refused to release contingency funds, arguing that the shutdown is “manufactured” and therefore not a qualifying emergency (The Hill, 2025). Meanwhile, WIC benefits are expected to run out by November 15, despite a temporary infusion of $300 million from tariff revenues earlier in October. The National WIC Association warned that without additional funding, states may halt food benefits and furlough clinic staff, jeopardizing the health of nearly 7 million mothers and children (USA Today, 2025).

    The administration’s defense of the ballroom project—funded by private donors including defense contractors like Lockheed Martin and Palantir Technologies—raises ethical concerns. These donors have active federal contracts, prompting questions about influence and access (Ars Technica, 2025). The contrast is stark: while the White House touts architectural grandeur, families across the country face hunger and uncertainty. The prioritization of a ballroom over basic nutrition assistance reflects not just a budgetary choice but a philosophical one—one that places spectacle above stewardship.

    This moment is not merely about a building or a budget. It is about the symbolic and material consequences of governance that elevates elite comfort over public survival. The East Wing’s destruction, framed as a structural necessity, coincides with the erosion of structural supports for the nation’s most vulnerable. The ballroom’s construction is not just a physical displacement—it is a displacement of values. The decision to proceed with a luxury renovation while nutrition programs collapse is a policy signal: that ceremonial prestige outweighs the lived realities of food insecurity.

    The timing of these events compounds their impact. The government shutdown has frozen essential services, and the refusal to release emergency funds for SNAP and WIC reveals a deeper administrative posture—one that treats hunger as collateral damage in political brinkmanship. The USDA’s framing of the shutdown as “manufactured” suggests an internal acknowledgment of its preventability, yet that acknowledgment has not translated into protective action for families who rely on these programs (The Hill, 2025).

    Moreover, the funding sources for the ballroom project—private donors with federal contracts—introduce a layer of transactional governance. When defense contractors fund symbolic infrastructure at the executive residence, the line between public service and private influence blurs. This raises constitutional and ethical questions about access, favoritism, and the role of philanthropy in shaping federal priorities (Ars Technica, 2025).

    This tale of two cities—one gilded, one hungry—is not new. It echoes the contradictions of the Gilded Age, a period in American history spanning the 1870s to about 1900, marked by rapid industrial growth, conspicuous wealth, and staggering inequality. During that era, tycoons built mansions and monuments while laborers lived in tenements and children worked in factories. Political leaders often aligned with business interests, and public infrastructure lagged behind private luxury. The term “Gilded Age,” coined by Mark Twain and Charles Dudley Warner (Twain & Warner, 1873), was itself a critique: a thin layer of gold masking deep social decay.

    Today’s ballroom, like the mansions of the Gilded Age, is a gilded symbol—shiny, extravagant, and politically revealing. The simultaneous collapse of SNAP and WIC benefits mirrors the abandonment of public welfare during the late 19th century, when social safety nets were virtually nonexistent and philanthropy was used to justify inequality. The ballroom’s construction, funded by elite donors, recalls the patronage networks of the Gilded Age, where influence was traded for access and public policy bent to private will.

    In contrast, SNAP and WIC are not symbolic. They are lifelines. Their disappearance will not be marked by press releases or ribbon-cuttings but by empty refrigerators, missed meals, and clinic closures. The loss of these programs will disproportionately affect children, single mothers, disabled adults, and seniors—populations already navigating systemic barriers. The ballroom will host galas; the absence of SNAP and WIC will host grief.

    This is not just a fiscal crisis. It is a moral reckoning. The Gilded Age taught us that unchecked wealth and political spectacle can coexist with deep suffering—and that reform only comes when the public demands accountability. The question now is whether we will repeat that history or rewrite it.

    References

    ABC News. (2025, October 23). White House East Wing demolished, new images appear to show. ABC News. https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/new-images-show-entire-white-house-east-wing/story?id=126800684

    Ars Technica. (2025, October 24). Satellite shows what’s really happening at the East Wing of the White House. Ars Technica. https://arstechnica.com/space/2025/10/satellite-shows-whats-really-happening-at-the-east-wing-of-the-white-house/

    PBS NewsHour. (2025, October 24). The East Wing of the White House has been demolished. Here’s a look at its history. PBS. https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/the-east-wing-of-the-white-house-has-been-demolished-heres-a-look-at-its-history

    Politico. (2025, October 22). ‘It’s your house. And he’s destroying it’: Trump demolishes White House East Wing. Politico. https://www.politico.com/news/2025/10/22/white-house-demolition-sends-shock-waves-spurs-calls-for-pause-00618230

    Snopes. (2025, October 24). Trump demolished entire White House East Wing? Snopes. https://www.snopes.com/fact-check/trump-east-wing-white-house/

    The Hill. (2025, October 29). SNAP benefits won’t be paid in November: How long will WIC last? The Hill. https://thehill.com/homenews/5577160-snap-benefits-wont-be-paid-in-november-how-long-will-wic-last/

    USA Today. (2025, October 28). Will WIC benefits stop in November like SNAP? Here’s who could be impacted. USA Today. https://www.usatoday.com/story/money/2025/10/28/wic-government-shutdown-november-benefits/86946560007/

    Twain, M., & Warner, C. D. (1873). The Gilded Age: A tale of today. American Publishing Company.

  • Women at the Margins of the Movement

    Women at the Margins of the Movement

    History often remembers the Civil Rights Movement through the names of men—King, Malcolm, Lewis. But Meridian insists we look again. Women were the backbone of the struggle: organizing voter registration drives, teaching literacy, housing activists, and sustaining communities under siege. Yet their names rarely appear in textbooks.

    Through Meridian, Walker critiques this gendered silence. Women were expected to sacrifice without recognition, to serve without acknowledgment, and to carry the emotional weight of both the struggle and their families. By centering Meridian’s story, Walker reclaims space for women’s voices and insists that their contributions are not footnotes but foundations.

    Discussion Questions

    • Why do you think women’s contributions to the Civil Rights Movement were so often overlooked?

    • How does Walker’s novel serve as a corrective to that historical erasure?

  • The Quiet Weight of Activism

    The Quiet Weight of Activism

    Alice Walker’s Meridian strips away the romanticism often attached to the Civil Rights Movement. Instead of focusing on the fiery speeches or the iconic marches, Walker asks us to look at the quieter, more enduring labor of activism. Meridian Hill is not a leader in the spotlight; she is the woman who stays behind, teaching in rural schools, registering voters, and carrying the emotional and physical exhaustion of a movement that demanded everything.

    Her sacrifices—giving up her child, living in poverty, enduring illness—are not framed as weakness. They are testimony to the cost of choosing principle over comfort. Walker reminds us that freedom work is not glamorous. It is wearying, lonely, and often thankless. Yet it is precisely this kind of endurance that sustains movements long after the headlines fade.

    Discussion Questions

    • How does Walker’s portrayal of Meridian challenge the way we usually remember the Civil Rights Movement?

    • In what ways do we undervalue the “quiet” forms of activism today?

  • The Tyranny of the Profiteering Elites: From the Myth of Race to Modern Policy

    The Tyranny of the Profiteering Elites: From the Myth of Race to Modern Policy

    The history of racial oppression is not a story of misunderstanding or ignorance—it is a story of deliberate invention and manipulation by profiteering elites. From the 15th‑century Portuguese aristocrats who pioneered the transatlantic slave trade, to the colonial elites of Virginia who invented “whiteness” to divide workers, to modern policymakers who deploy racial tropes in seemingly neutral policies, elites have consistently orchestrated systems of division to secure wealth and power.

    The Portuguese Aristocracy and the Birth of Racial Slavery

    In the early 1400s, Portuguese aristocrats sought profit through exploration and conquest along the West African coast. Chroniclers such as Gomes Eanes de Zurara recorded the first slave raids in 1441, when captains captured Africans for sale in Portugal (Lowcountry Digital History Initiative, n.d.). Papal bulls issued in 1452 and 1455 by Pope Nicholas V granted Portugal the right to enslave non‑Christians, embedding the idea that African identity itself justified enslavement (Romanus Pontifex, 1455/2023).

    This was not a discovery of racial difference but the orchestration of a myth: that Blackness equaled enslavement. Portuguese elites profited immensely, and in doing so, they laid the foundation for a global racial hierarchy (Caldeira, 2024).

    What makes this construction even more insidious is what modern science has revealed: 99.9% of human genes are the same across all populations. The biological differences elites claimed as justification for enslavement and exploitation were never real—they were manufactured lies, disproven by genetics centuries later.

    The Invention of Whiteness and the Persistence of Hierarchies

    By the late 17th century, elites in Virginia faced a crisis when Bacon’s Rebellion (1676) revealed the potential for solidarity between enslaved Africans and European indentured servants. Terrified of unified resistance, colonial lawmakers deliberately constructed the category of “whiteness.” By granting poor Europeans limited privileges while permanently enslaving Africans, elites created a false sense of superiority that fractured solidarity (Berlin, 1998; Facing History, 2016).

    Yet even within this framework, not all Europeans were immediately embraced as “white.” Irish and later Eastern European immigrants, including Russians, were often excluded from full membership in whiteness. They were depicted as inferior, criminal, or incapable of self‑government—rationalizations elites used to justify their exploitation as cheap labor (Ignatiev, 1995). Over time, however, these groups were gradually folded into whiteness, not because of any change in biology, but because elites recognized the utility of expanding the category to shore up racial hierarchies against Black and Indigenous people.

    This entitlement of white citizenry—constructed from the beginning as a political tool—has remained central to the maintenance of elite power. In the modern United States, it is reinforced through conspiracy theories like the so‑called “Great Replacement.” Originating in Europe but embraced by white nationalists in the U.S., replacement theory falsely claims that elites are conspiring to “replace” white citizens with immigrants and people of color (The Conversation, 2024; Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2025). At rallies such as Charlottesville in 2017, chants of “You will not replace us” revealed how deeply this myth resonates with those who see whiteness as an entitlement to dominance.

    That fearmongering collapses under the weight of genetic truth: if 99.9% of our DNA is shared, then the divisions elites insist upon are political fictions, not biological facts.

    From Overt Hierarchies to Subtle Tropes and Coded Policies

    As centuries passed, the strategies of profiteering elites evolved. Where once they relied on explicit racial categories, they now deploy subtler tools: racial tropes and “race‑neutral” policies that produce racialized outcomes. Terms like “inner city,” “welfare dependency,” “illegal alien,” or “gang violence” appear neutral but function as proxies for communities of color (Pfeiffer & Hu, 2022). These tropes allow elites to frame people of color as pathological while justifying punitive interventions.

    The “War on Drugs,” for example, was framed as a universal fight against crime but disproportionately targeted Black and Latino communities through mandatory minimums and aggressive policing (Alexander, 2010). Housing debates invoke fears of “declining property values” to mask racial exclusion. Immigration enforcement provides another clear case: critics have documented how ICE raids overwhelmingly target Black and Brown migrants, while white/European immigrant communities—such as Irish in Boston or Russian in Brighton Beach—are rarely subjected to the same large‑scale raids, reflecting selective enforcement aligned with expanded boundaries of whiteness (NewsOne, 2025). At the same time, litigation has shown ICE’s inconsistent treatment of Russian‑speaking asylum seekers—what attorneys termed a “Russian Detention & Deterrence Scheme”—underscoring the arbitrariness of enforcement within broader patterns that still disproportionately criminalize migrants of color (Louisiana Illuminator, 2025).

    In this way, the racial hierarchies first codified in colonial law and later reinforced through white entitlement and replacement theory are now sustained through the quieter language of policy and bureaucracy. The vocabulary has changed, but the underlying tyranny remains.

    Continuity of Tyranny

    From the Portuguese aristocrats who orchestrated the myth of race, to the colonial elites who invented whiteness, to modern policymakers who weaponize racial tropes, the pattern is clear: profiteering elites manufacture division to maintain control. Race was never a biological truth—it was a political invention. And while the methods have shifted from papal decrees to coded laws, from slave patrols to mass incarceration, the purpose has remained constant: to fracture solidarity and preserve elite power.

    The fact that 99.9% of our genes are the same is not just a scientific finding—it is a moral indictment. It exposes the fraud at the heart of racial hierarchy and underscores that the divisions we live under were engineered, not natural.

    Call to Action: Reclaiming Truth, Rebuilding Solidarity

    If elites could invent race to divide, then communities can dismantle it to unite. The lesson of history is not despair but clarity: oppression is engineered, which means it can be undone.

    • Expose the lies: Teach and repeat the truth that race is not biological but political, and that 99.9% of our DNA is shared.

    • Challenge coded policies: Demand accountability for laws and enforcement practices that disproportionately target communities of color while shielding white immigrant groups.

    • Rebuild solidarity: Just as elites fractured alliances between Africans and indentured Europeans in the 1600s, today’s movements must rebuild multiracial coalitions that refuse to be divided by fearmongering.

    • Reclaim science: Insist that knowledge and discovery serve people and planet, not profiteering elites. Science must be a tool of liberation, not domination.

    The tyranny of profiteering elites has endured for centuries because it thrives on division. The antidote is solidarity rooted in truth. If 99.9% of our genes are the same, then the struggle for justice is not about erasing difference but about refusing to let false hierarchies define our future.

    —

    References

    Alexander, M. (2010). The new Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness. The New Press.

    Berlin, I. (1998). Many thousands gone: The first two centuries of slavery in North America. Harvard University Press.

    Caldeira, A. (2024). Portuguese slave trade. In Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.013.903

    Encyclopaedia Britannica. (2025, August 23). Replacement theory. https://www.britannica.com/topic/replacement-theory

    Facing History. (2016). Bacon’s Rebellion: Inventing black and white. Facing History and Ourselves. https://www.facinghistory.org/resource-library/inventing-black-white

    Fortner, M. J., & Scanlon, C. (2023). Crime, the dangers of racial tropes, and the limits of racial metaphors. Logos Journal. https://logosjournal.com/article/crime-the-dangers-of-racial-tropes-and-the-limits-of-racial-metaphors/

    Ignatiev, N. (1995). How the Irish became white. Routledge.

    Louisiana Illuminator. (2025, February 7). Immigrants sue ICE over alleged ‘Russian Detention & Deterrence Scheme’. https://lailluminator.com/2025/02/07/ice-russia/

    Lowcountry Digital History Initiative. (n.d.). Pope Nicolas V and the Portuguese slave trade. College of Charleston. https://ldhi.library.cofc.edu/exhibits/show/african_laborers_for_a_new_emp/pope_nicolas_v_and_the_portugu

    NewsOne. (2025, January 27). ‘Racist’ ICE raids ignore European, white migrants, critics say. https://newsone.com/5886540/ice-raids-white-undocumented-immigrants/

    Pfeiffer, D., & Hu, X. (2022). Racial code words: A technology of racialization and racism. American Association of Law Schools. https://am.aals.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2023/01/pfeiffer_and_hu__racial_code_words_221